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COLOMBIA:
Impunity Still Surrounds Palace
of Justice Tragedy
Constanza
Vieira
BOGOTA, (IPS) - "I don't know
why I'm talking to you. My life
was peaceful, calm, but now the
nightmares and insomnia are
back, problems I had already
overcome. I have a new identity
now, a new life, a new family; I
am putting myself at risk by
talking to you."
The man who said this a year ago
to Colombian journalist Maureén
Maya identified himself as a
former agent of the army's B-2
intelligence service, which took
part in the assault on the
Palace of Justice in Bogota on
Nov. 6-7, 1985, after it was
seized by the insurgent 19 de
Abril Movement (M-19, which
later became a political party).
Last year, the commemoration in
Colombia of the 20th anniversary
of the Palace of Justice tragedy
revived the memories and
apparently awakened the
conscience of the former B-2
agent, prompting him to approach
Maya, the young director of the
local Ceasefire Foundation.
Maya is one of the authors of
the book "Prohibido Olvidar -
Dos miradas sobre la toma del
Palacio de Justicia" (roughly
"to forget is forbidden; the
Palace of Justice siege as seen
from two different angles"),
which was launched last week in
Colombia. The other author is
Senator Gustavo Petro, a former
M-19 guerrilla fighter and the
current spokesman in the Senate
for the leftist Alternative
Democratic Pole party.
The differences between the
portions of the book written by
Maya and those written by Petro
are so great that each chapter
is individually signed by its
specific author.
"Hold your fire! That's an
order!" the then president of
the Supreme Court, Alfonso
Reyes, demanded over the Caracol
Radio station after the M-19
guerrillas had already admitted
their defeat as a result of
errors in their seizure of the
Palace of Justice and the
immediate military response.
The occupation of the Palace of
Justice, which houses the
Supreme Court, and the taking of
some 300 hostages, had taken
place three hours earlier. The
military had immediately
regained control over the lower
floors of the courthouse,
releasing around 200 hostages.
"Please get this message out:
hold your fire!" was the last
that Reyes was heard to say
before the Caracol Radio station
was ordered to stop broadcasting
by then communications minister
Noemí Sanín (currently
ambassador to Spain), who
ordered the transmission of two
football games, one right after
the other.
The first order given by then
president Belisario Betancur
(1982-1986) had been: "Restore
order, but above all avoid
bloodshed."
But after that, he left the
solution in the hands of the
army, which responded with
massive, indiscriminate fire.
The result of the military
assault on the Palace of Justice
was more than 100 people killed
or "disappeared", including
civilian hostages, soldiers and
33 guerrillas. The victims
included 11 of the country's
most brilliant jurists, and some
say justice itself died that
day.
A few days after the event, on
Nov. 11, 1985, then Colombian
army chief General Rafael
Samudio told the conference of
commanders of armies of the
Americas, in Santiago, Chile,
that "fortunately the
institutions were saved and an
example was given of how to act
in the fight against terrorism,"
says the new book.
In October 1985, the press had
warned of a plan to seize the
Palace of Justice. But although
the police posted a heavy guard
around the courthouse, it was
inexplicably removed a few hours
before the rebels seized the
building.
A fire that destroyed
innumerable legal documents in
the courthouse was intentionally
set, a judge concluded in 1989.
And according to witnesses, it
was set by the security forces.
The files destroyed included all
of the requests for the
extradition of drug traffickers
to the United States.
The former B-2 agent has not
come forward again. The day that
Maya interviewed him, he said he
was especially moved because he
had run into a family displaced
by Colombia's decades-old civil
war.
The Consultancy on Human Rights
and Displacement (CODHES) puts
the number of people forced to
flee their homes by the violence
at 3.8 million people, mainly
since 1985, when forced
displacement became more and
more frequent.
The former agent told Maya that
in 1989 he and 25 other men were
selected to take part in a
"special commando set up by the
government" and trained "by
foreign advisers."
"For five years we (the
paramilitaries) did the
government's dirty work. All of
the worst things, the most
terrible things that happened in
the country in those years,
including political murders: we
did them," he said.
The former agent (and now former
paramilitary) said he was one of
the armed men dressed in
civilian clothes seen in the
television footage of the Palace
of Justice siege going in and
out of the courthouse, pulling
people out with their hands
behind their heads and leading
them 80 metres away to a
historical building, the Casa
del Florero.
The agents also took 11 people
who were working or eating in
the Palace of Justice cafeteria
to the Casa del Florero.
"I especially remember the face
of one young man," a cafeteria
employee, the former B-2 agent
and paramilitary told Maya, who
then asked him if he could
identify the man in some photos
that she had brought with her.
But the ex-agent reacted
angrily: "I don't want to see
photos, please, you have no idea
what this has been like for me.
I remember that boy, but no, I
don't want to see him."
The reporter asked him why he
remembered that young man in
particular. His response was
"Because he was right in front
of me. The boy was really
scared, I could see it in his
eyes, and I always knew he was
innocent."
"They were accused of being
accomplices of the guerrillas,
although we knew that many of
them weren't. But nothing could
be done because they had been
tortured in the Cavalry School,
in army brigade 13, and in the
Charry Solano (an intelligence
unit later dissolved because of
the systematic human rights
abuses committed there), and
they couldn't be allowed to
leave; they knew about and had
seen things that they shouldn't
have," he explained.
Maya told IPS that the former
agent revealed to her the orders
that he and his fellow agents
had been given. "We were told:
no one must leave the Palace of
Justice alive. Do not stop
fumigating (the term that was
used). Fumigate, fumigate,
fumigate. Do not leave anyone
alive."
"We don't even know where their
remains are," Jaime Beltrán, the
father of a waiter who worked in
the cafeteria, also named Jaime,
told the press on Nov. 7 during
a protest held on the
anniversary of the Palace of
Justice siege.
Perhaps Jaime Beltrán, Jr. was
the young man referred to by the
former B-12 agent; perhaps he
wasn't.
"He had been working there for a
year, to support his four
daughters and his wife," Beltrán
added in his conversation with
reporters outside of the Cóndor
private security firm, which is
owned by retired colonel Alfonso
Plazas, who as commander of the
Cavalry School led the assault
on the Palace of Justice.
Beltrán and other relatives of
people who "disappeared" during
the military raid on the Palace
of Justice decided last week to
warn people living near the
Cóndor security company that
their neighbour Plazas was
"responsible for crimes against
humanity."
Their "public censure action,"
as they described it, was
inspired by the "escraches"
carried out by human rights
groups in Argentina, one of the
participants told IPS.
In the "escraches" or "outings,"
groups of human rights activists
go to the homes or workplaces of
former human rights abusers and
loudly denounce them.
During a demonstration held to
commemorate the Palace of
Justice siege two years ago, the
families of the victims were
dispersed in Bolivar Plaza --
where the courthouse is located
in the capital -- with tear gas.
But this year the police merely
showed up peacefully in three
patrol cars, and one officer
commented to IPS that Plazas is
well-known in security circles
for failing to pay his employees
on time.
Maya remarked to IPS that "I
think the M-19 did in fact turn
to Pablo Escobar" -- the then
head of the powerful Medellín
drug cartel, who was killed by
the police in December 1993 --
"to obtain the weapons used in
the seizure of the Palace of
Justice."
She noted that the insurgent
group and the drug cartel saw
eye to eye on one important
point: they both opposed the
extradition of Colombian
nationals to the United States,
an issue being considered at the
time of the occupation of the
courthouse.
But "the drug mafia betrayed
them," she added. "It made a
deal with the military, and the
cartel and army both decided to
use that marvelous opportunity
to put an end to the M-19 and
the Supreme Court, which was
investigating the military for
human rights violations and was
about to approve the extradition
treaty."
Three years later, the M-19
signed a peace agreement and
achieved an amnesty.
The 462-page book says that
after the Palace of Justice
siege, "it became easier to
kill" in Colombia.
In 1985, "the lives of judicial
branch officials and other
civilians were sacrificed in the
name of military success. In
addition, a number of citizens
were tortured, killed and
‘disappeared' in military
battalions, crimes that were
covered up by the government,"
says the book.
This month, 21 years later, a
preliminary report is expected
from a truth commission
comprised of three former
magistrates, which was set up to
investigate the Palace of
Justice siege.
But Maya said the commission
will place the entire blame on
the former M-19 guerrillas.
However, Colombian prosecutors
are going after high-ranking
members of the military. The
Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights has already
admitted a case involving the 11
people who went missing from the
cafeteria as well as Irma
Franco, one of the M-19
guerrillas who was removed from
the Palace of Justice alive but
was never seen again.
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