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COLOMBIA:
The Limits of Paramilitary
Repentance
Constanza
Vieira
CARTAGENA, Colombia, (IPS) -
Former paramilitary fighter
Wilson Salazar, alias "El Loro",
was impatient over and annoyed
by the prosecutor's questions
and the charges put forth by the
victims' defence attorneys. He
claimed he was being blamed for
more crimes than he had
committed.
He also said he regretted having
submitted himself to the Justice
and Peace Law, which stipulates
that he must make a full
confession to obtain legal
benefits, such as a sentence of
just eight years for the human
rights crimes he committed. The
law, which went into effect in
2006, governs the far-right
paramilitary umbrella group's
negotiated demobilisation.
Among the crimes he committed,
"El Loro" shot a 13-year-old
girl and beat her to death with
a shovel as she tried to defend
her mother, Cecilia Lazo.
Lazo, a candidate for mayor in
the town of San Alberto in the
northeastern province of Cesar,
was shot and killed by "El Loro".
None of the survivors of
paramilitary atrocities or the
families of victims attended his
confession this week in
Barranquilla, Colombia's main
Caribbean coastal city.
On Thursday, the government
adopted regulations for the
participation by victims of
human rights abuses in the legal
proceedings that began in
December against paramilitaries
like "El Loro" (The Parrot) for
crimes against humanity, which
are not subject to any statute
of limitations and cannot be
amnestied.
The decree issued by the
Ministry of the Interior and
Justice states that in order to
attend the trials, the victims
must prove that they have
suffered "direct damages," must
have already filed a formal
complaint against the accused,
and must register in a special
database.
And to participate in the legal
investigations, they must
renounce, in writing, their
right to keep their identity in
reserve. However, the decree
says nothing about providing
security for the victims.
Despite the fact that the
paramilitary United Self-Defence
Forces of Colombia (AUC) was
officially dismantled in 2006
after closed-door negotiations
with the government of
right-wing President Álvaro
Uribe, the killings have
continued.
On Jan. 20, the headquarters of
the League of Displaced Women
near the Caribbean resort city
of Cartagena, where the group
had built their new settlement
"City of Women", was set on
fire.
Freddy Espitia, head of a local
committee of displaced persons
in the Caribbean province of
Córdoba, in northwestern
Colombia, was shot and killed on
Jan. 28.
On Jan. 31, in Montería, the
capital of Córdoba, gunmen on a
motorcycle killed Yolanda
Izquierdo, a 43-year-old
community leader who had
gathered evidence to help 863
rural families regain their
land, which had been seized by
the paramilitaries. She was
presenting the evidence under
the reparations system set up by
the Justice and Peace Law.
The murder of Óscar Cuadrado,
the leader of a regional
association of displaced
persons, was reported on Feb. 1
in Maicao, in the northeastern
province of La Guajira.
And on Feb. 7, Carmen Santana
was shot to death in Apartadó, a
banana-producing region in the
northeastern province of
Antioquia. After great
hesitation, Santana had decided
to pursue the truth about the
1995 murder of her first
husband, a banana worker.
Santana had rebuilt her life
with her second husband, Hernán
Correa, vice-president of the
Central Unitaria de Trabajadores
central trade union.
Izquierdo, two days before she
was killed, had pleaded with the
authorities, for the fourth time
in five days -- this time in
tears -- for protection. But
they told her that the paperwork
would take a week.
Loyar Pineda, one of Izquierdo's
schoolmates from Las Claras, the
Córdoba town where both were
born, told IPS that "There is
always someone who has to speak
out. You see the injustice and
you just can't stop and you
can't keep silent in the face of
all of these things that will
hurt the interests of the most
dispossessed and vulnerable."
Pineda, who has lost a brother
in Colombia's civil war, is
himself an activist.
The new regulations for
participating in the trials for
paramilitaries "have restricted
access by the victims," a member
of the Colombian Commission of
Jurists (CCJ) remarked to IPS.
The CCJ, an internationally
renowned human rights group, is
defending dozens of victims of
paramilitary abuses.
"The reality is that in nearly
80 percent of the cases of human
rights violations, formal
complaints have not been filed,"
explained the CCJ activist, who
asked not to be identified, for
safety reasons. Merely reporting
human rights abuses in Colombia
can be a deadly undertaking.
In the legal proceedings against
the paramilitaries, victims who
have been certified as having
suffered direct damages can turn
in evidence, suggest questions
to the prosecutor taking the
confessions, and report assets
that were seized by paramilitary
groups and that could be
returned to victims of abuses,
such as the land that Izquierdo
was trying to regain for the
displaced families, whose
struggle she was leading.
They cannot be present in the
courtroom where the confession
is being given, but must sit in
a different room, where they can
watch the trial proceedings via
closed-circuit television.
"These are crimes against
humanity in which the victim is
humanity. Anyone should have the
right to listen to the
confessions and to be there, and
shouldn't have to demonstrate
that they were direct victims,"
said the CCJ source.
>From the start, in December,
the proceedings against former
members of the AUC were closed
to the press. But heavy pressure
from victims' associations,
human rights groups and
journalists reversed that rule
in practice, although not
officially.
It is up to the Prosecutor
General's Office to decide
whether or not to request
permission to broadcast one or
more of the hearings on
television, either live or
deferred.
The National Television
Commission (CNTV), presided over
by Ricardo Galán -- President
Uribe's press chief until
December -- would then decide on
whether to assign airspace for
broadcasting the hearings.
Confession of crimes is the
first stage in the trials
against some of the former
members of AUC, which grouped
most of the death squads that
emerged in the early 1980s,
organised by landowners and
members of the army.
AUC, which is heavily involved
in the drug trade, according to
its own leaders, is blamed by
United Nations human rights
officials and leading global
rights watchdogs for 80 percent
of the atrocities committed in
Colombia's four-decade civil
war. The paramilitaries work in
close cooperation with the
military, as documented by U.N.
officials, the U.S. State
Department, Human Rights Watch
and Amnesty International.
The 2,695 paramilitaries charged
with crimes against humanity can
voluntarily take recourse to the
benefits offered by the Justice
and Peace Law. The rest of the
nearly 31,000 people who showed
up to demobilise, according to
official figures, were pardoned.
The paramilitary demobilisation
process has been widely
criticised as a de facto
amnesty.
If it is demonstrated in the
trials that the accused have not
confessed to all of their
crimes, they will be remitted to
the ordinary courts, where they
will face sentences of up to 40
years.
How is it determined that a
confession is not complete? The
Prosecutor General's Office says
its special prosecutors have
"swept" the country to gather
testimony on paramilitary
abuses. But in the view of the
CCJ, "not even 100,000 men could
cover the entire territory and
have time to register all of the
human rights violations that
have been committed and continue
to be committed."
Even after the AUC declared a
unilateral ceasefire in December
2002 to pave the way for the
disarmament negotiations, the
paramilitaries have been
responsible for 60 percent of
the killings and forced
disappearances that have been
committed, according to the CCJ.
In January, the former AUC
chiefs said they were opposed to
broadcasting the hearings live
on television, arguing that some
"touchy" aspects needed to be
kept in reserve because they
could endanger their lives by
affecting due process and
creating a climate of
"mistrust."
Izquierdo's murder was mentioned
by former AUC chief Salvatore
Mancuso as one of the "sinister
developments" that have occurred
and will continue to occur.
Nearly 5,000 combatants have
taken up their weapons again, he
said.
He claimed that behind the
rearming of the paramilitaries
are several former commanders
who took part in the
negotiations, but who did not
submit themselves to the Justice
and Peace Law, as he himself had
done.
Mancuso, who is also accused of
involvement in drug trafficking,
said that his former fellow
paramilitary chiefs believe the
government has failed to live up
to the agreements reached with
the AUC.
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