DEVELOPMENT:
Latin America Has Tips for ASEAN Charter
Analysis by Anil Netto

PENANG, Malaysia, (IPS) - Over the last two months, South America and South-East Asia have taken huge steps forward towards creating two distinct regional blocs. But the contrasting principles in their respective blueprints for integration reflect the different political and economic philosophies driving the integration plans.

Earlier this month, leaders of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) met in Cebu in the Philippines and approved a blueprint for a charter, which will lay the foundation for a new ASEAN Community by 2015. ASEAN groups Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Burma, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam, Brunei, the Philippines and Indonesia.

The guiding principles in the ASEAN blueprint reveal a markedly different emphasis compared to the underlying tenets in the Cochabamba Declaration, signed in Bolivia last month, paving the way towards a South American Community of Nations.

"ASEAN has actually embraced neo-liberalism 100 percent, whereas in Latin America, with the rise of social democratic politics and leaders, there is resistance against the excesses of neo-liberalism and even rejection,'' observes political scientist Johan Saravanamuttu, a retired professor who is now an independent scholar. ‘‘Therein lies the difference.''

For now, these statements of intent remain words on paper and ‘‘a certain wariness about grand declarations is always advisable in the world of high-platform politics,'' points out Glasgow-based political scientist John Hilley, who has researched into neo-liberalism and global politics. ‘‘Yet, the driving intent and aspirations underlying the Cochabamba Declaration are signs of the radical mood for reform now finding fervent voice across a new Latin American continent.''

The Cochabamba Declaration calls for solidarity and cooperation to promote social justice and the reduction of poverty and income inequalities while strengthening multilateralism in international relations. It also calls for sovereignty, respect for territorial integrity, and the self determination of people while promoting South America as a zone of peace.

Democracy, pluralism and human rights appear to be given much more emphasis in South American integration compared to ASEAN's plans for union.

The Cochabamba Declaration calls for ‘‘integration without dictatorships and respectful of human rights and dignity'' with gender equality. It asserts that human rights should be seen as ‘‘universal, interdependent and indivisible'' while ‘‘similar effort should be given to developing both civil and political rights, as well as to economic, social and cultural rights''.

The Cochabamba Declaration also calls for ‘‘harmony with Nature'' and speaks of preserving ecosystems balance, protecting biological diversity and valuing traditional knowledge.

In contrast, the ‘Cebu Declaration on the Acceleration of the Establishment of an ASEAN community by 2015' on Jan 13 did not make a single reference to democracy and human rights, apart from children's rights. Instead, it believed in ‘‘a strong ASEAN Community premised on a closely integrated, dynamic and vibrant regional economy, deeper political and security cooperation and stronger socio-cultural linkages.''

However, ASEAN leaders endorsed an Eminent Persons Group's report, which contained a recommendation for a ‘‘commitment to democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, including international humanitarian law, as an indispensable condition for the stability, peace and development of the region'' to be included among the principles of the proposed ASEAN Charter.

For many years, an ASEAN human rights working group has been working behind the scenes and many people have been pushing for it to be institutionalised. ‘‘But it remains an informal working group,'' observes Saravanamuttu, ‘‘because ASEAN leaders are wary and cautious about bringing ideas like that into the mainstream''.

The conservative approach of ASEAN leaders towards regional integration reflects the varying degrees of democratisation in the region, observes Saravanamuttu. ASEAN member nations range from one-party states, semi-democracies, authoritarian states and military regimes. ‘‘When you have such diversity of political regimes, you will find that political conservatism will be the order of the day,'' he pointed out.

But critical transboundary issues such as migration, the smog and bird flu could hasten moves towards ‘‘functional cooperation" within ASEAN. ‘‘This could be an impetus for greater integration, he adds. ‘‘ASEAN leaders should really buckle down to tackle these issues.''

Still, it is the economic focus and liberalisation that is at the cornerstone of ASEAN's integration plans. The ASEAN vision is to have a single market with free movement of goods, ideas and skilled talent, along with efforts to harmonise regional economic policies and strengthen regional linkages and connectivity. The Cochabamba Declaration, on the other hand, seeks an ‘‘alternative to avoid globalisation from deepening asymmetries, contributing to economic, social and political and marginalisation, and to take advantage of development opportunities''.

‘‘In contrast to the business-minded pragmatism of ASEAN, the Latin American union is the product of a specific historical impetus now challenging the failing neoliberal orthodoxies of Wall Street, NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) and the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas),'' says Hilley. ‘‘While any institution or political alignment can 'declare' lofty statements of social intent, the Bolivarian reforms now evident across the (South American) region indicate a more revolutionary construct in the making,'' he said.

‘'Unlike ASEAN, the proposed Latin American union stands as a ‘‘a counter-hegemonic model of economic development grounded in real social principles and people-centred strategies,'' Hilley said.