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URUGUAY-ARGENTINA:
Pulp Frictions
Threaten Integration
Diana
Cariboni
MONTEVIDEO, (IPS) - The Mercosur
trade bloc and South American
integration are being put to the
test by the growing frictions
between Uruguay and Argentina
over the construction of two
pulp mills on the Uruguayan side
of a river dividing the two
nations.
The protests voiced by
environmentalists and other
civil society groups in Uruguay
for over three years have now
given way to a bilateral
dispute, with both sides
adopting nationalistic stances
and increasingly entrenched
positions.
As the tensions escalate, the
Uruguayan authorities have begun
to dig in their heels to an ever
greater degree. Some sectors of
the left-leaning Broad Front
coalition currently governing
the country had timidly opposed
the pulp mill construction
projects until 2004, when they
were still the opposition.
Today, however, ruling coalition
members of every political
stripe are firmly aligned in
defence of the pulp industry,
despite its dismal environmental
record in many parts of the
region.
Throughout the month of January,
opponents of the mills have
stepped up their protests by
blocking one of the main bridges
spanning the Uruguay River,
which forms part of the border
between the two countries.
The demonstrators hail from the
city of Gualeguaychú in the
eastern Argentine province of
Entre Ríos, located across the
river from the site in Uruguay
where the Spanish company
Empresa Nacional de Celulosa de
España (ENCE) and the Finnish
corporation Botnia are building
pulp mills just 10 km apart.
As far as the protestors are
concerned, this construction is
taking place illegally, because
Uruguay violated the binational
treaty for joint management of
the Uruguay River by granting
authorisation for the mills
without consulting Buenos Aires.
Uruguay maintains that Argentina
gave the green light for the
projects in 2004, and cites a
paragraph from the Argentine
state of the nation annual
report that specifically refers
to the matter. But Buenos Aires
insists that the passage in
question is erroneous.
A binational high-level working
group created by Argentine
President Néstor Kirchner and
Uruguayan President Tabaré
Vázquez in mid-2004 as a means
of dissipating tensions will
wrap up its efforts on Jan. 30
without an agreement between the
two sides, according to sources
from both countries.
For Buenos Aires, failure to
reach a compromise through the
working group, which it
considers a negotiating
instrument, and the two letters
it has sent to Montevideo asking
for work to be halted on the
mill construction, constitute
grounds for filing a complaint
before the International Court
of Justice at The Hague.
The Uruguayan authorities,
however, stress that the purpose
of the working group is not
negotiation, but rather "studies
and analyses, the exchange of
information and follow-up
regarding the eventual
consequences for the Uruguay
River ecosystem" of the two pulp
mills.
Argentina's position is
manifested on two levels: the
civic activism of residents and
environmental groups in
Gualeguaychú, spurred on by the
governor of Entre Ríos, Jorge
Busti, and the declarations and
letters from officials in the
centre-left Kirchner
administration.
The bridge closures are
especially detrimental to
Uruguay at this time of year,
because January marks the
beginning of the southern
hemisphere summer and the high
season for tourism, and this is
one of the main routes of entry
for Argentine visitors to the
country.
In addition, this particular
form of protest opens up a new
arena of confrontation, since it
threatens the free circulation
guaranteed by the Mercosur
(Southern Common Market) customs
union, which encompasses Brazil
and Paraguay in addition to
Argentina and Uruguay.
Moreover, the fact that the
Argentine authorities have done
nothing to stop the protestors
from blocking the bridge has
further inflamed nationalistic
sentiments in Uruguay, where any
internal debate on the dangers
posed by the pulp industry has
been shoved to the back burner.
"Mercosur is in the worst
position ever to play a role in
resolving these differences,"
historian and political analyst
Gerardo Caetano told IPS.
The weaknesses and tensions
already plaguing the trade bloc
have now been exacerbated by
Uruguay's renewed interest in
negotiating a free trade pact
with the United States.
Earlier this month, Uruguayan
Minister of the Economy Danilo
Astori announced that his
country should "begin making
efforts towards reaching a free
trade agreement with the United
States."
"It would be impossible for a
member of Mercosur to
individually negotiate trade
agreements, unless it intended
to leave the bloc, and we have
not been informed of such a
decision," Brazilian Foreign
Minister Celso Amorim stated
last week, although he
acknowledged that the largest
members of Mercosur, his own
country and Argentina, "have
perhaps not done enough" for the
development of the smaller
partners.
In any event, according to
Caetano, certain sectors of the
Uruguayan media have been waging
"a campaign to get out of
Mercosur," and these sentiments
have begun to have a certain
echo in the government.
Moreover, he said, Uruguay does
not have all of the instruments
of high-level diplomacy needed
to find a solution to this
crisis. And above all, the
government is "determined not to
lose the investments" being made
in the pulp mills, estimated at
1.8 billion dollars.
At the same time, the Argentine
government, particularly under
Kirchner, "does not seek
agreement or negotiate, it is
used to winning every dispute,"
added Caetano.
Uruguay is obliged to honour its
commitments to Botnia by an
investment protection agreement
signed with Finland in 2002,
under the previous centre-right
government of Jorge Batlle
(2000-2005). The agreement,
ratified by the Finnish
government in 2004, has a
duration of 20 years.
The sixth article stipulates
that companies whose investments
"suffer losses as a result of
war or other armed conflicts, a
national state of emergency,
revolt, insurrection or
demonstrations" will have the
right to "restitution,
indemnization, compensation or
other arrangements" under the
most favourable terms and
conditions possible.
Caetano believes that the
discussions of the binational
commission will end "in
nothing." At the same time,
however, taking the matter to
The Hague will not necessarily
work against Uruguay, because of
the "loss of international
prestige" suffered by Argentina
in recent years, the result of
an economic crisis and failure
to keep up debt payments, among
other factors.
But former Uruguayan foreign
minister and current ambassador
to France Héctor Gros Espiell
hopes that "this route can be
avoided, because it will be long
and costly for both sides."
In early January, Gros Espiell
was mentioned as a potential
candidate to prepare Uruguay's
defence at the International
Court of Justice, but he told
IPS that he has not received any
instructions in this regard from
the foreign ministry.
In his opinion, "all of the
diplomatic options remain open"
for reaching an agreement.
"Mediation is one of these
options. Negotiation offers a
wide variety of instruments,"
added the ambassador, who is
also a university professor
specialising in international
law and a former
undersecretary-general of the
United Nations.
Other solutions have been put
forward by civil society.
International environmental
watchdog Greenpeace has pointed
out that the critical attitude
adopted Buenos Aires towards the
Uruguayan pulp mills could very
well be extended to the mills
already operating in Argentina.
The group has proposed a new
task for the high-level working
group: the drafting of a Clean
Production Plan for the pulp and
paper sector in both countries,
and the suspension of work on
the Uruguayan plants while the
plan is in preparation.
"For us, this is not the
solution," activist Ana
Filippini of the Uruguayan
environmental group Guayubira
told IPS.
Guayubira is opposed to the
forestry model adopted by
Uruguay -- centred on large
monoculture tree plantations --
and the wide-scale introduction
of the pulp industry. The group
believes that the Uruguayan
government should "open up
discussion" on these issues and
enforce standards with regard to
water use, the establishment of
free trade zones and other
factors that would not imply
"violating the agreement" with
Finland.
"The solution would be to curb
monoculture forestry, instead of
promoting its growth, which is
what would result from the
construction of three or more
pulp mills," added Filippini,
alluding to the interest
expressed by Swedish-Finnish
forestry giant Stora Enso in
building a mill in central
Uruguay.
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