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In Nicaragua, Tensions Flare Amid Power Quest
By Tim Rogers

MANAGUA - The scene outside the U.S. Embassy last week illustrated fraying tensions in this capital where the Sandinista government has been maneuvering for reelection: Agitated pro-government youths hurled fireworks, rocks and eggs at the embassy grounds and shouted ``Death to the Yankees! Death to the empire!''

The following day, a Sandinista mob surrounded a university campus where U.S. Ambassador Robert Callahan was attending a cultural festival, forcing him to flee with the help of riot police. The Sandinistas want Callahan's ouster, and went so far as to declare him persona non grata in a theatrical ``popular assembly'' held in front of the embassy Thursday evening.

The United States has been increasingly voicing concerns about the state of Nicaraguan democracy under President Daniel Ortega, and the opposition is complaining that the president is undermining Nicaragua's democracy in his quest to remain in power.

The reason? On Oct. 19, six Sandinistas on Nicaragua's Supreme Court scrapped a constitutional term limit, a move that would allow the president to run for office in 2011 elections. The seven opposition judges insist they were not consulted before the Sandinista jurists ruled.

The opposition magistrates -- including court president Manuel Martínez -- issued an official Supreme Court declaration Oct. 28 accusing the Sandinista judges of illegally conspiring against the country's democratic and institutional order.

The declaration said the Supreme Court does not have the authority to tinker with the constitution, a task which only the National Assembly is authorized to do.

`WE ARE WORRIED'

``From our point of view, the Supreme Court acted improperly and with unusual speed, in secret, with the participation of judges from only one political movement and without any public debate or discussion,'' Callahan told the Nicaraguan-American Chamber of Commerce during a luncheon last week. ``We are worried.''

Sandinistas argue that nonconsecutive term limits prejudiced the people's right to elect whomever they want.

``The power is in the hands of the people, and that is not something that the oligarchs, the traitors and the imperialists like,'' Ortega said during a nationally televised address Oct. 20. He cast his political opponents as ``residual garbage'' who should be thrown in jail.

For Sandinistas here, the comments by the U.S. ambassador are part of the United States' legacy of continual interventionist policies toward Nicaragua.

During the first Sandinista government of the 1980s, the United States funneled money to the contras, who fought to overthrow the leftist regime.

Callahan told business leaders that Sandinista magistrates' decision to overturn the constitutional ban on consecutive presidential reelection cast doubts on Nicaragua's democratic procedure.

He would not speculate what, if any, measures Washington would take in response to the judicial power play, or to the vandalism of embassy property. Earlier this year, the U.S. government suspended $64 million in development aid to Nicaragua for similar concerns over the Sandinistas' commitment to democracy.

In Washington, Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, echoed the concerns. He said Ortega's ``manipulation'' of the Supreme Court ``reeks of the authoritarianism of the past'' and that the president appeared to be taking his cues from ``the coup-plotters in Honduras.''

But Ortega remains steadfast. The ruling, he said, is ``not appealable'' and ``written in stone.''

Following Callahan's comments, the foreign ministry released a statement calling the ambassador's remarks ``meddlesome'' and ``unacceptable and destabilizing.''

While much of Latin America is grappling with reelection reforms, the issue has also emerged as a part of the leftist agenda promoted by the Venezuelan-led Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA), of which Nicaragua and Honduras are members.

Yet these two Central American countries have also had the most difficulty following in Venezuela's footsteps.

In Honduras, opponents ousted President Manuel Zelaya precisely because they feared he was trying to implement the ALBA agenda. And in Nicaragua, Ortega lobbied for a year but could get neither the National Assembly votes nor the popular support for a referendum to lift term limits.

So earlier this month, he shifted strategy and turned to the Sandinista judges to upend the term limit.

TERM LIMITS

Term limits prohibiting consecutive terms were part of 1995 constitutional reforms aimed at balancing power between government branches.

After 43 years under the rule of the Somoza family dynasty and another decade under the Sandinistas, Nicaraguans were eager to prevent abuses.

Ortega and 109 Sandinista mayors filed a motion challenging term limits, and the court's constitutional chamber ruled in their favor. They ruled when opposing judges had gone home for the afternoon, in a move the full court's president called ``an ambush.''

``This was totally illegal from all points of view,'' said constitutional analyst Carlos Tunnermann. ``The Supreme Court cannot invalidate articles of the constitution that are already in effect.''

Former Supreme Court president Alejandro Serrano accused the Sandinista magistrates of ``manipulating the constitution and the rule of law in unthinkable ways.''

 
 
 
 

 

 
 
 
 

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